Let’s pick up the thread from last week. Then, we identified the problems caused by the fragmented capital markets “union.” This week, for that very reason, we can continue on a somewhat more optimistic note: what awaits the Union in the near future? What plans do the member states have to address these challenges? As my wording suggests, I personally see a positive outlook ahead.
What Justifies My More Optimistic Outlook?
Among the many crises the Union must address, this is one that largely depends on us. We are not exposed to external resources (such as raw materials), nor are we dealing with deeply entrenched issues that can only be improved over decades—if at all—such as competitiveness, innovation, or demographics. Here, all that is required is the appropriate adjustment of the regulatory framework.
Of course, this is still an alliance of 27 member states (soon perhaps more—hello, Iceland), each with different goals, internal challenges, and democratic publics. A good example is the LGBTQ debate pushed to extremes here in Hungary, where we found ourselves closely aligned with Germany’s AfD. Yet the party’s leader, Alice Weidel, is a woman in a lesbian relationship who is raising adopted children with her Sri Lankan partner. Viewed from Hungary, the irony practically jumps off the screen, and yet they have managed to build close cooperation on issues such as gender politics, opposition to war, and migration.
As this example shows, people from very different backgrounds can agree on many things.
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But I don’t want to stray too far from the subject. The point is that, in my opinion, the main obstacle standing before the necessary reforms is our internal division. This division is twofold: on the one hand, there is the nationalism I have criticized before—the protection of national champions. On the other hand, there is the challenge of convincing the public of reforms that are both necessary and beneficial for them.
If the rise of the radical right in Europe can serve as an example of anything, it is that people coming from very different starting points are capable of arriving at the same conclusions. That is the basis of my optimism.
How Do We Plan to Solve These Problems?
Words have power, so allow me to use the royal “we” when discussing the EU’s plans. I have no influence over the preparation of these initiatives, but I firmly believe this is our shared cause. This is how I can contribute to strengthening that sense of common purpose.
As mentioned above, there are many states with many interests and many competing visions. Unfortunately, this diversity is also reflected in the proposed solutions. Let’s briefly review the main ideas and who is advocating for them.
The EU’s 28th Member State
A legislative proposal initiated by the European Commission. The idea is to create, in legal terms, a 28th member state. This entity would operate under a simplified legal framework designed around market needs. Any newly established or existing company could request to operate under this jurisdiction.
The advantages would include unified rules and the elimination of the need to comply with 27 different national regulatory systems. The Commission hopes this could actively facilitate capital raising by mobilizing the billions of euros currently sitting idle in European bank accounts. It could also attract foreign direct investment (the legendary FDI).
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The proposal has met resistance from member states. On one hand, it is viewed as another step toward a more federal EU, where individual countries surrender additional powers to the center. Every country has political forces that oppose precisely this development.
On the other hand, the 28th regime inevitably raises questions about taxation: who would collect taxes from these companies, and how much? Everyone tends to look after their own interests. Brussels naturally believes that money could be put to good use there, financing its operations and eventually flowing back to member states through various support programs.
For national governments, however, this currently looks like a loss of tax revenue. The road ahead will therefore be long and difficult.
The E6 Group
Germany, France, Italy, the Netherlands, Spain, and Poland currently represent the EU’s largest economies and most populous countries.
They support accelerating the Capital Markets Union, increasing defense spending, deepening cooperation, strengthening supply chains, and expanding the role of the euro in international trade. In essence, these objectives summarize many of the major economic challenges facing the EU.
For this reason, they are enthusiastic supporters of the Commission’s 28th-member-state concept.
The difficulty lies in their size and influence. The EU’s institutional framework is already under strain, and questions regarding decision-making and democratic legitimacy have become increasingly visible in recent years. The Hungarian government’s repeated use of vetoes has also played a significant—albeit negative—role in this debate.
As a result, the countries excluded from the E6 often see in it the old principle that “the stronger dog gets the larger share.” They fear that the economic advantages already enjoyed by these large states would become even more entrenched under the proposed system.
It is difficult to dismiss these concerns. Imagine a conglomerate the size of Deutsche Bank entering markets across Europe without being constrained by nationally tailored regulations. Competing local players would find it hard to keep up.
My additional criticism is that this initiative exemplifies the long-discussed concept of a “multi-speed Europe”—depending on one’s perspective, either eagerly anticipated or deeply feared. Existing disparities certainly do not need further reinforcement through regulatory differentiation. If anything, that could accelerate fragmentation.
I do not wish for such an outcome. Yet if fragmentation ever occurred, many of those who currently advocate it would likely come to share my concerns. Brexit and the British public’s evolving attitude toward its consequences provide an excellent example.
Super Power Politics
Although I have emphasized throughout that these are internal issues we can solve ourselves, we cannot completely separate ourselves from external actors.
Fundamentally, the interests of the United States, China, and Russia converge on one point: they all benefit from a weak and deeply divided European Union. One that cannot present a united front in supporting Ukraine financially, resisting the influx of Chinese dumping products, or regulating the behavior of American technology giants.
Naturally, I have no insight into the efforts made in pursuit of these interests. However, one thing can be stated with certainty: the opinions of some political parties are influenced by more than public sentiment alone. 🙂
What Should We Expect?
The media noise surrounding these issues is immense. Yet if we focus on the facts, I remain optimistic.
Consider the issue of financial support for Ukraine. Regardless of whether one agrees with the policy itself, the process demonstrated several important developments:
Institutional renewal: Despite significant legal maneuvering and opposition from a blocking minority, the support package was ultimately approved.
Mobilizing necessary capital: Funding was secured through joint EU bond issuance, representing another step toward financial integration.
Recognition of common geopolitical interests: Short-term national political interests were set aside.
Articulation of shared interests and a common future: The EU acted as a unified bloc.
Taken together, these developments suggest that the Capital Markets Union will continue to advance.
In a distinctly European fashion, the process will likely move two steps forward and one step back. Newspaper headlines may sometimes make it appear as though we are moving four steps backward. Political actors will naturally portray both progress and delays as victories, depending on their interests.
But as has so often been the case, the real developments will occur beneath the surface—through obscure but important pieces of legislation, adopted gradually and incrementally.
Then one day we may suddenly realize that Revolut is no longer the obvious choice for online banking because we have a wide range of options available, from Spanish banks to Swedish ones.
How Can We Make Money from This Process?
I don’t want to overload you in a single article, so contrary to my earlier promise, I will return to this topic in a separate post.
The exact approach is still taking shape in my mind. Like these articles themselves, it evolves during the process. I learn to swim after jumping into the water.
I will close with a quotation:
“The German representative of the Sovereignists stated that if the AfD comes to power, there will be no digital euro. According to them, Europeans have the right to opt out of modernity.”
Well, all right. It is a perfect illustration of the saying that the road to hell is paved with good intentions.